Gastar Conjugation in Spanish, Translation, and Examples

Gastar Conjugation in Spanish, Translation, and Examples The Spanish verb gastar is a regular -ar verb that means to spend. The conjugation pattern for gastar is similar to that of other regular -ar verbs like bajar, tratar and llamar. This article includes gastar conjugations in the present, past, conditional, and future indicative mood, the present and past subjunctive mood, the imperative mood, and other verb forms. Using the Verb Gastar The most frequent use of the verb gastar is to spend money. For example, El chico gastà ³ mucho dinero en el regalo para su novia (The boy spent a lot of money on the gift for his girlfriend). Gastar can also be used to talk about time, but in that case, it means to waste time. For example, No debes gastar tiempo jugando videojuegos (You should not waste time playing video games). In order to talk about spending time, in Spanish we use the verb pasar tiempo, as in Me gusta pasar tiempo con mi familia (I like to spend time with my family). The verb gastar can also mean to use or to use up. For example, you can say Se gastà ³ la tinta de la impresora (The printers ink got used up), or Ese carro gasta mucha gasolina (That car uses a lot of gas). In addition, gastar can mean to wear out, as in Gastaste la suela de tus zapatos de tanto correr (You wore out the soles of your shoes from running so much). Gastar Present Indicative Yo gasto I spend Yo gasto muchos lpices en la escuela. Tà º gastas You spend Tà º gastas dinero en cosas innecesarias. Usted/à ©l/ella gasta You/he/she spends Ella gasta mucha electricidad en su casa. Nosotros gastamos We spend Nosotros gastamos mucha gasolina en el viaje. Vosotros gastis Youspend Vosotros gastis tiempo viendo fotos en el trabajo. Ustedes/ellos/ellas gastan You/they spend Ellos gastan mucha agua regando el jardà ­n. Gastar Preterite Indicative There are two past tenses in Spanish. The preterite tense is used to describe actions completed in the past. Yo gastà © I spent Yo gastà © muchos lpices en la escuela. Tà º gastaste You spent Tà º gastaste dinero en cosas innecesarias. Usted/à ©l/ella gastà ³ You/he/she spent Ella gastà ³ mucha electricidad en su casa. Nosotros gastamos We spent Nosotros gastamos mucha gasolina en el viaje. Vosotros gastasteis Youspent Vosotros gastasteis tiempo viendo fotos en el trabajo. Ustedes/ellos/ellas gastaron You/they spent Ellos gastaron mucha agua regando el jardà ­n. Gastar Imperfect Indicative The other past tense in Spanish is the imperfect, which is used to talk about ongoing or repeated actions in the past. The imperfect can be translated to English as was spending or used to spend. Yo gastaba I used to spend Yo gastaba muchos lpices en la escuela. Tà º gastabas You used to spend Tà º gastabas dinero en cosas innecesarias. Usted/à ©l/ella gastaba You/he/she used to spend Ella gastaba mucha electricidad en su casa. Nosotros gastbamos We used to spend Nosotros gastbamos mucha gasolina en el viaje. Vosotros gastabais Youused to spend Vosotros gastabais tiempoviendo fotosen el trabajo. Ustedes/ellos/ellas gastaban You/they used to spend Ellos gastaban mucha agua regando el jardà ­n. Gastar Future Indicative Yo gastarà © I will spend Yo gastarà © muchos lpices en la escuela. Tà º gastars You will spend Tà º gastars dinero en cosas innecesarias. Usted/à ©l/ella gastar You/he/she will spend Ella gastar mucha electricidad en su casa. Nosotros gastaremos We will spend Nosotros gastaremos mucha gasolina en el viaje. Vosotros gastarà ©is Youwill spend Vosotros gastarà ©is tiempo viendo fotosen el trabajo. Ustedes/ellos/ellas gastarn You/they will spend Ellos gastarn mucha agua regando el jardà ­n. Gastar Periphrastic  Future Indicative   The periphrastic future is formed with three components: the present indicative conjugation of the verb ir (to go), the preposition a, and the infinitive gastar. Yo voy a gastar I am going to spend Yo voya gastar muchos lpices en la escuela. Tà º vasa gastar You aregoing to spend Tà º vasa gastar dinero en cosas innecesarias. Usted/à ©l/ella vaa gastar You/he/she isgoing to spend Ella vaa gastar mucha electricidad en su casa. Nosotros vamosa gastar We aregoing to spend Nosotros vamosa gastar mucha gasolina en el viaje. Vosotros vaisa gastar Youaregoing to spend Vosotros vaisa gastar tiempo viendo fotosen el trabajo. Ustedes/ellos/ellas vana gastar You/they aregoing to spend Ellos vana gastar mucha agua regando el jardà ­n. Gastar Present Progressive/Gerund Form To form the present progressive you need the gerund or present participle (the English -ing form). Present Progressive ofGastar est gastando Is spending Ella est gastando mucha electricidad en su casa. Gastar Past Participle To form perfect tenses like the present perfect, you need the past participle of the verb. Present Perfect of Gastar ha gastado Has spent Ella ha gastado mucha electricidad en su casa. Gastar Conditional Indicative To talk about possibilities, you can use the conditional tense. Yo gastarà ­a I would spend Yo gastarà ­a muchos lpices en la escuela si me gustara escribir. Tà º gastarà ­as You would spend Tà º gastarà ­as dinero en cosas innecesarias si fueras millonario. Usted/à ©l/ella gastarà ­a You/he/she would spend Ella gastarà ­a mucha electricidad en su casa, pero siempre apaga las luces. Nosotros gastarà ­amos We would spend Nosotros gastarà ­amos mucha gasolina en el viaje si fuà ©ramos en carro. Vosotros gastarà ­ais Youwould spend Vosotros gastarà ­ais tiempo viendo fotosen el trabajo, pero el jefe no os lo permite. Ustedes/ellos/ellas gastarà ­an You/they would spend Ellos gastarà ­an mucha agua regando el jardà ­n, pero por suerte ha llovido bastante. Gastar Present Subjunctive The present subjunctive is used in sentences with two clauses, when the speaker is expressing a desire, doubt, denial, emotion, negation, possibility, or other subjective situations. Que yo gaste That I spend La maestra espera que yo gaste muchos lpices en la escuela. Que tà º gastes That you spend Tu madre no quiere que tà º gastes dinero en cosas innecesarias. Que usted/à ©l/ella gaste That you/he/she spend Carlos no cree que ella gaste mucha electricidad en su casa. Que nosotros gastemos That we spend Andrea no quiere que nosotros gastemos mucha gasolina en el viaje. Que vosotros gastà ©is That you spend El jefe no permite que vosotros gastà ©is tiempo en el trabajo. Que ustedes/ellos/ellas gasten That you/they spend El jardinero recomienda que ellos gasten mucha agua regando el jardà ­n. Gastar Imperfect Subjunctive The imperfect subjunctive can be conjugated in two different ways: Option 1 Que yo gastara That I spent La maestra esperaba que yo gastara muchos lpices en la escuela. Que tà º gastaras That you spent Tu madre no querà ­a que tà º gastaras dinero en cosas innecesarias. Que usted/à ©l/ella gastara That you/he/she spent Carlosno creà ­a que ella gastara mucha electricidad en su casa. Que nosotros gastramos That we spent Andrea no querà ­a que nosotros gastramos mucha gasolina en el viaje. Que vosotros gastarais That you spent El jefe no permità ­a que vosotros gastarais tiempo viendo fotosen el trabajo. Que ustedes/ellos/ellas gastaran That you/they spent El jardinero recomendaba que ellos gastaran mucha agua regando el jardà ­n. Option 2 Que yo gastase That I spent La maestra esperaba que yo gastase muchos lpices en la escuela. Que tà º gastases That you spent Tu madre no querà ­a que tà º gastases dinero en cosas innecesarias. Que usted/à ©l/ella gastase That you/he/she spent Carlos no creà ­a que ella gastase mucha electricidad en su casa. Que nosotros gastsemos That we spent Andrea no querà ­a que nosotros gastsemos mucha gasolina en el viaje. Que vosotros gastaseis That you spent El jefe no permità ­a que vosotros gastaseis tiempo viendo fotosen el trabajo. Que ustedes/ellos/ellas gastasen That you/they spent El jardinero recomendaba que ellos gastasen mucha agua regando el jardà ­n. Gastar Imperative The imperative mood is used to give commands.There are slightly different versions for positive and negative commands. Positive Commands Tà º gasta Spend!  ¡Gasta dinero en cosas innecesarias! Usted gaste Spend!  ¡Gaste mucha electricidad en su casa! Nosotros gastemos Let's spend!  ¡Gastemos mucha gasolina en el viaje! Vosotros gastad Spend!  ¡Gastad tiempo viendo fotosen el trabajo! Ustedes gasten Spend!  ¡Gasten mucha agua regando el jardà ­n! Negative Commands Tà º no gastes Don't spend!  ¡No gastes dinero en cosas innecesarias! Usted no gaste Don't spend!  ¡No gaste mucha electricidad en su casa! Nosotros no gastemos Let's not spend!  ¡No gastemos mucha gasolina en el viaje! Vosotros no gastà ©is Don't spend!  ¡No gastà ©is tiempo viendo fotosen el trabajo! Ustedes no gasten Don't spend!  ¡No gasten mucha agua regando el jardà ­n!

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Housing and environmental issues Essay Community development officer: CDOs should have: †¢ the ability to communicate with a wide range of people †¢ the ability to manage a budget †¢ sensitivity in dealing with multi-cultural issues, such as religion †¢ networking skills and a good memory for names and faces †¢ the ability to work on their own initiative †¢ Commitment to social inclusion issues. CDOs may work for a local authority; he must also involve public decision in multi cultural communities housed by the associations. Public involvement in regeneration is widely held to be a good thing. There are very few who write about or comment on regeneration, however it is defined who do not claim that public involvement is an important if not essential component of effective and successful regeneration. And to a great extent this has been the position in the UK and elsewhere for well over a century. 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However, the consensus around the value and potential benefits of greater public involvement has probably never been stronger, not least because government has put it at the centre of its plans to modernise both the delivery of public services and the very processes of government. A simple theory of public participation The political imperatives driving forward the agenda of public participation are well established, but three stand out at present. First is the belief that participation is intrinsically good and worthwhile, and hence more participation is desirable. Second is the growing acknowledgement that many major policy issues do not appear to be capable of obvious resolution – they can be termed ‘wicked problems’ for this reason (Rittel and Weber, 1973). An obvious consequence of this recognition is to take a more open approach to their resolution, in other words to allow a wider range of partners into the arena of policy debate and hence to share the burden of resolution. Finally, there is a clear belief that greater participation is needed to stem if not reverse the apparent decline in social capital charted by Putnam (2001) and his followers (see DeFilipis, 2001). A slightly broader set of factors can be derived from the wider academic literature where at least four distinct explanations of or justification for greater public participation in government generally are apparent. Instrumentalist conceptions point to the fact that individuals are the best judges of their own interests and hence by participating in policy debates and political discussions they are best able to articulate and advance these interests. The job of government then lies in the aggregation of individual interests and the balancing of conflicting positions into a plausible public interest. Communitarian conceptions take a different approach and advocate a more collective or social approach among the participating public, such that a negotiated view of the public interest is provided to rather than by government. Of course government may then have to perform further rounds of aggregation or even facilitate further rounds of negotiation or consensus building, but the public plays a more prominent part in the social construction of their own idea of public interest. In this conception there is some degree of aggregation but government is still left to aggregate, adjudicate or reconcile the possibly conflicting views of different communities or even coalitions of communities. Educative approaches suggest that public participation helps in developing a more sophisticated understanding of the complexities of policy issues; of the ethical dilemmas and the need to make trade-offs for example between price and quality or between the achievement of short and long term priorities. Finally, expressive conceptions of participation emphasise the opportunity that political participation gives individuals to express their political identity. Through active campaigning, displaying posters, attending rallies, donating money or time, one is able to demonstrate to the world at large that fact that one is a feminist, a socialist, a conservative, a nationalist and so on. It is of course important also to bear in mind that political participation can involve much more than voting in periodic elections, or even campaigning in them. Attending meetings about issues of local or international concern and taking part in participatory events such as juries, consensus conferences or citizens juries are also important as is participation in ongoing campaigns or lobbies, again from local (save our school) to global (save our planet) issues. There is something of a paradox here, in that there is plentiful data available on formal political involvement in voting, but relatively little available on the more prosaic but nevertheless significant everyday acts of involvement, such as going to meetings or simply engaging socially and maybe politically with ones neighbours (Hoggett and Bishop, 1986). In recent years some regular and extensive surveys have begun to provide valuable data of this type, but it is still the case that many sophisticated models of community engagement, civic renewal and social capital, have been constructed on flimsy empirical foundations (Prime, Zimmeck Zurawa, 2002). But to develop a simple model of participation we need to consider in some more detail questions along each of the three main dimensions implied in the expression: public participation in planning or policy making. Robert D. Putnam That Western society has changed dramatically since the middle of the 20th century. There is less agreement about what caused the changes, and whether they have been beneficial. One barometer of change in Western society is the level of ‘social capital’ (a concept popularised by Robert D. Putnam), which results from high levels of investment by citizens in their community. Putnam’s investigation of American society, Bowling Alone (2000), considers the full range of changes affecting America (and all western societies): declining participation in institutional Christianity; less involvement in sport and recreational clubs, politics, charitable causes, and volunteer work; and a radical re-shaping of the family though divorce, a lower birth rate, and a disinclination to marry at all. These trends, Putnam argues, result in diminished social capital. Putnam’s analysis of America holds for the three Anglophone members of George W. Bush’s ‘coalition of the willing,’ America, Britain and Australia, and may explain why hawkish, right-wing governments are the people’s choice at the start of the 21st century, despite an unprecedented liberality and inclusiveness throughout the second half of the 20th century. Putnam notes a range of factors responsible for civic disengagement: suburban sprawl; the popularity of television and electronic media; changed work patterns, including the large-scale entry of women into the workforce; and generational changes resulting in the ‘replacement of an unusually civic generation by several generations [Baby Boomers, Generations X and Y] †¦ that are less embedded in community life’ (p. 275). In the United States, where voting is optional, these developments dilute democracy, and societies with low participation rates tend to become distrustful. Untrusting citizens call for tougher; ‘law and order’ focused governments, resulting in the election of increasingly right-wing political parties. Social capital: 1. Definition The concept and theory of social capital dates back to the origins of social science; however, recent scholarship has focused on social capital as a subject of social organization and a potential source of value that can be harnessed and converted for strategic and gainful purposes. According to Robert David Putnam, the central premise of social capital is that social networks have value. Social capital refers to the collective value of all social networks and the inclinations that arise from these networks to do things for each other. Social capital refers to the institutions, relationships, and norms that shape the quality and quantity of a societys social interactions. Increasing evidence shows that social cohesion is critical for societies to prosper economically and for development to be sustainable. Social capital is not just the sum of the institutions that underpin a society; it is the glue that holds them together However, social capital may not always be beneficial. Horizontal networks of individual citizens and groups that enhance community productivity and cohesion are said to be positive social capital assets whereas self-serving exclusive gangs and hierarchical patronage systems that operate at cross purposes to communitarian interests can be thought of as negative social capital burdens on society. 2. History of the research on the concept Robert David Putnam, if not the first one to write on the issue, is considered as the major author on the concept of social capital. He is a U. S. political scientist and professor at Harvard University, and is well-known for his writings on civic engagement and civil society along with social capital. However, his work is concentrated on the United States only. His most famous (and controversial) work, Bowling Alone, argues that the United States has undergone an unprecedented collapse in civic, social, associational, and political life (social capital) since the 1960s, with serious negative consequences. Though he measured this decline in data of many varieties, his most striking point was that virtually every traditional civic, social, and fraternal organization had undergone a massive decline in membership. From his research, a working group has formed at Harvard University and is called Saguaro Seminar. Most definitions around the social capital concept, notably those used by the World Bank, come from Putnam’s work and this research. 3. Measuring social capital The Saguaro Seminar, in the continuation of Putnam’s work, has been elaborating various means to measure the level of social capital in different contexts. It says on its website that measurement of social capital is important for the three following reasons: (a) Measurement helps make the concept of social capital more tangible for people who find social capital difficult or abstract; (b) It increases our investment in social capital: in a performance-driven era, social capital will be relegated to second-tier status in the allocation of resources, unless organizations can show that their community-building efforts are showing results; and (c) Measurement helps funders and community organizations build more social capital. Everything that involves any human interaction can be asserted to create social capital, but the real question is does it build a significant amount of social capital, and if so, how much? Is a specific part of an organization’s effort worth continuing or should it be scrapped and revamped? Do mentoring programs, playgrounds, or sponsoring block parties lead more typically to greater social capital creation? Measuring social capital: Towards a theoretically informed measurement framework for researching social capital in family and community life. by Wendy Stone. Research paper no. 24, Australian Institute of Family Studies, 2001, 38p, ISBN 0 642 39486 5 To inform the Institutes Families, Social Capital and Citizenship project, this paper contributes to the development of clear links between theorised and empirical understandings of social capital by: establishing a theoretically informed measurement framework for empirical investigation of social capital; and reviewing existing measures of social capital in light of this framework. The paper concludes with a statement of guiding principles for the measurement and empirical investigation of social capital in family and community life. Social Capital as Credit Social capital, or aggregate reputation, is a form of credit. Some formal transactions can be supported by social capital. Informal transactions are rarely underpinned by financial credit or legal agreement and instead rely entirely social capital. We all have our internal calculators keeping tacit track of who is doing wrong and who is doing right, the health of the relationships and adjusting our actuarial tables according to experience. While undertaking government activities environment problems should also be considered. As it has became a global issue we need to take care of everything. Globalisation and cultural identity It is fair to say that the impact of globalization in the cultural sphere has, most generally, been viewed in a pessimistic light. Typically, it has been associated with the destruction of cultural identities, victims of the accelerating encroachment of a homogenized, westernized, consumer culture. This view, the constituency for which extends from (some) academics to anti-globalization activists (Shepard and Hayduk 2002), tends to interpret globalization as a seamless extension of – indeed, as a euphemism for – western cultural imperialism. In this discussion which follows we approach this claim with a good deal of skepticism. we will not seek to deny the obvious power of globalized capitalism to distribute and promote its cultural goods in every corner. Nor will we take up the argument – now very commonly made by critics of the cultural imperialism thesis (Lull 2000; Thompson 1995; Tomlinson 1991) that a deeper cultural impact cannot be easily inferred from the presence of such goods. What we will try to argue is something more specific: that cultural identity, properly understood, is much more the product of globalization than its victim. Identity as Treasure To begin, let us sketch the implicit (for it is usually implicit) reasoning behind the assumption that globalization destroys identities. Once upon a time, before the era of globalization, there existed local, autonomous, distinct and well-defined, robust and culturally sustaining connections between geographical place and cultural experience. These connections constituted one’s – and one’s community’s – ‘cultural identity’. This identity was something people simply ‘had’ as an undisturbed existential possession, an inheritance, a benefit of traditional long dwelling, of continuity with the past. Identity, then, like language, was not just a description of cultural belonging; it was a sort of collective treasure of local communities. But it was also discovered to be something fragile that needed protecting and preserving that could be lost. Into this world of manifold, discrete, but to various degrees vulnerable, cultural identities there suddenly burst (apparently around the middle of the 1980s) the corrosive power of globalization. Globalization, so the story goes, has swept like a flood tide through the world’s diverse cultures, destroying stable localities, displacing peoples, bringing a market-driven, ‘branded’ homogenization of cultural experience, thus obliterating the differences between locality-defined cultures which had constituted our identities. Though globalization has been judged as involving a general process of loss of cultural diversity, some of course did better, some worse out of this process. Identity as Cultural Power Let us begin with identity, a concept which surely lies at the heart of our contemporary cultural imagination. It is not, in fact, difficult in the prolific literature of analysis of the concept to find positions which contest the story of identity as the victim of globalization. Identity and Institutional Modernity This brings the central claim that globalization actually proliferates rather than destroys identities. In this respect we depart somewhat from Castells’s position: in setting identity as a sort of autonomous cultural dynamic, surging up from the grassroots as an oppositional force to globalization, Castells really fails to see the rather compelling inner logic between the globalization process and the institutionalized construction of identities. This, in other way, lies in the nature of the institutions of modernity that globalization distributes. To put the matter simply: globalization is really the globalization of modernity, and modernity is the harbinger of identity. It is a common assumption that identity-formation is a universal feature of human experience. Castells seems implicitly to take this view when he writes: ‘Identity is people’s source of meaning and experience’ (1997: 6). But whilst it is true that the construction of meaning via cultural practices is a human universal, it does not follow that this invariably takes the form of identity construction as we currently understand it in the global-modern West. This form of ethnocentric assumption has been recently criticized both by anthropologists and media and cultural critics. Globalization and Modernity To appreciate this, it is necessary to take a more complex view of the globalization process than is often adopted – certainly in the polemical discourses of the anti-globalization movement, where globalization is essentially understood as the globalization of capitalism, achieved in its cultural aspect via a complicate western dominated media system. This more complex, multidimensional conceptualization, which views globalization as operating simultaneously and interrelated in the economic, technological-communicational, political and cultural spheres of human life, is in fact relatively un-contentious – at least in principle – within academic discourses. But the cultural implication, rather less easily swallowed by some, is that globalization involves not the simple enforced distribution of a particular western (say, liberal, secular, possessive-individualist, capitalist-consumerist) lifestyle, but a more complicated dissemination of the entire range of institutional features of cultural modernity. References Putnam, R (2001) Bowling Alone: the collapse and revival of American community, Touchstone, London Tomlinson, J (1999) Globalisation and culture, Policy Press, Cambridge Social capital: http://www. jrc. es/home/report/english/articles/vol85/ICT4E856. htm http://www. envplan. com/ http://www. infed. org/thinkers/putnam. htm http://www. naturaledgeproject. net/NAON_ch11. aspx

Fahrenheit 451 And 1984 - The Fear Of Utopia Essay -- Ray Bradburys F

Several conflicting frames of mind have played defining roles in shaping humanity throughout the twentieth century. Philosophical optimism of a bright future held by humanity in general was taken advantage of by the promise of a better life through sacrifice of individuality to the state. In the books Brave New World, 1984, and Fahrenheit 451 clear opposition to these subtle entrapments was voiced in similarly convincing ways. They first all established, to varying degrees of balance, the atmosphere and seductiveness of the â€Å"utopia† and the fear of the consequences of acting in the non-prescribed way through character development. A single character is alienated because of their inability to conform – often in protest to the forced conditions of happiness and well being. Their struggle is to hide this fact from the state’s relentless supervision of (supposedly) everything. This leads them to eventually come into conflict with some hand of the state which se rves as the authors voice presenting the reader with the ‘absurdity’ of the principles on which the society is based. The similar fear of the state’s abuse of power and technology at the expense of human individuality present within these novels speaks to the relevance of these novels within their historical context and their usefulness for awakening people to the horrendous consequences of their ignorance. In these novels the main characters are, or become, unable to conform to the society’s standards. These characters represent the authors’ view of the ‘utopia’ as they see it with the veil of ignorance removed. In 1984, for instance, we start out with a character, Winston, who is constantly observing the ironies of the world about him. Through his job at the ministry of truth, he becomes a hand of the state, creating fiction to support its endeavors: â€Å"Comrade Ogilvy, unimagined an hour ago, was now a fact †¦ he would exist just as authentically †¦ as Charlemange and Julius Caesar.† (1984, p54) As the book progresses he becomes more aware of his individuality and eventually is unable to hide it. Similarly in Fahrenheit 451, Montag becomes aware of problems with his society, but not logically - emotionally. It disturbs him greatly when a medical team that helps his wife appear and disappear within a matter of minutes: â€Å"There are too many of us, he thought. There are billions of us and that’s too many. Nobo... ...n Brave New World , John, a ‘savage’ not raised by the society asks the world leader, Mustapha Mond, why they do not show films like Othello. Mustapha cites that not showing that kind of film is the â€Å"price we have to pay for stability.† As well, he speaks of the necessity for different classes of people to be in operation, even though more efficient methods through science exist. The prime directive of all these ‘utopias’ is to pacify their public and either thrill them with the collective being of a nation, or sedate them with excitement and drugs. The authors therefor saw the ‘utopian’ societies to be a trap for weak minded publics, and that once in place, such systems would be able to perpetuate indefinitely due to the efficiency at which they protect and propagate themselves. Through fear, diversion and sedation the utopia can maintain a strong grip on the people it encompasses before anyone realizes the sacrifices made. The popularity of these books does rule out the possibility of such a society coming into existence in the future, however. The state of people is not about to change, and their ignorance will continue regardless of the harshness of the wake up calls issued.

TBL approach

Three stages could be involved in this cycle of continuous improvement, which tend to build on each others over time. These are Compliance: Many enterprises will decide to adopt the TUB approach in order to simply comply with the buyers' expectations or local regulations, with aim of retaining their â€Å"license to operate† in the face of buyers' demands or government inspections.Efficiency: With time or sometimes in parallel with the pressures to comply enterprises will come under pressure to improve performance and they will use this pressure, handled through a TUB approach, as a driver for cost savings, productivity improvements and quality enhancements focusing on process efficiency and resource utilization. This option offers a mix of cost saving and productivity improvements.Differentiation: Later on the enterprises involved for sometime In the TUB process thought of using the TUB approach strategically, aiming at strengthening their competitive position by moving them from being â€Å"price takers† to being â€Å"price setters† Criteria for selection of industries: The enterprises are Seems (Small and Medium scale Enterprises) Significant direct or indirect exporter The existence of at least some management capacity and the availability of an information system Significant level of Interests shown by person within the enterprise with a track record of leadership or Innovation and the authority(CEO/ Chairman/Plant manager) to sustain an Initiative such as TUB In the face of competing pressures A clear potential for Improvement Likelihood of effect arising from changes at the selected enterprise Basic stages of any sustained TUB process: The basic stages of any sustained TUB process Includes Enrolment:Being prepared for to â€Å"sign up† for the program In the beginning Application: Being prepared to commit company's resources especially staff time to Investigating company's performance Implementation: Being prepared to Invest resources In Implementing options arising from the TUB process Maintenance: Being prepared to sustain over the long term, the Minimal gains made as a result of Implementing Improved options CONTINUOUS IMPROVEMENT By businesswoman Later on the enterprises involved for sometime in the TUB process thought of information system Significant level of interests shown by person within the enterprise with a track record of leadership or innovation and the authority(CEO/ Chairman/Plant manager) to sustain an initiative such as TUB in the face of competing pressures A clear potential for improvement The basic stages of any sustained TUB process includes Enrolment: Being prepared for to â€Å"sign up† for the program in the beginning Application: investigating company's performance Implementation: Being prepared to invest resources in implementing options arising from the TUB Being prepared to sustain over the long term, the initial gains made as a result of implementing improved options